Port Douglas male seeks good bjwill compensate

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Preferred Citation: Kendall, Lori. Berkeley: University of California Press, c I owe a great many debts of thanks to many people who contributed to my efforts on this project. This book began as my dissertation research, and Ithank the Regents of the University of California for fellowship grant money that assisted in the completion of the dissertation.

My dissertation committee members, Vicki Smith and Nina Wakeford, provided critiques, encouragement, and pointers to information and resources I might have missed. Iwas also fortunate to participate in a writing support group, which included Estee Neuwirth, Ellen Scott, and Bindi Shah, all of whom read many chapters multiple times and helped me achieve greater clarity of thought and expression. I give special thanks to Lynn Cherny and Eva Skuratowicz for their friendship and support, especially throughout the dissertation process.

I owe a special debt of thanks to Judy Stacey. She acted as a superlative dissertation chair and was also instrumental in helping me bring this work through the crucial transition from dissertation to publication. In addition to her incisive critiques and an uncanny ability to push my thinking further, she has provided me with ample advice and encouragement.

In short, she has been everything one could wish for in a mentor and supportive colleague. This book was also greatly improved by many people at the University of California Press. Among them, Naomi Schneider was instrumental in shepherding this project through many revisions.

Any remaining errors are mine. I also owe many thanks to the people of BlueSky, whom I unfortunately cannot name here. In addition to being open and honest, they were extremely generous throughout the research project, providing me with information, technical assistance, friendship, and in some cases, shelter and meals. They have been extraordinarily willing to tolerate my scrutiny and questions even when they sometimes disagreed with my conclusions and analysis.

I hope they find something of value in my portrayal of them here. Finally, thanks to Jerry McDonough for his strong and constant support of this work and its author. His specific contributions are far too numerous to list. Late one morning in Berkeley in November , I head off to my local pub. I'm hoping someone there will have heard from Rob, a friend currently en route to California from Colorado. I'm supposed to meet Rob later in the afternoon at UC Davis, seventy miles east of Berkeley, but don't want to make the trip if he's been held up by snows over the pass at Tahoe.

Even if I do drive to Davis, I'll spend lunchtime here at the Falcon, where I can always find people I know, chatting and hanging out for a bit. The Falcon is a small, out-of-the-way place, known mainly to its regulars, who tend to shun the occasional curious passersby. As usual around lunchtime, the bar is crowded. A few people sit singly at tables, but most sit in small groups, often milling around from table to table to chat with others.

As in many such local bars and pubs, most of the regulars here are male. Many of them work for a handful of computer companies in a nearby high-tech industry enclave. The atmosphere is loud, casual, and clubby, even raucous. Everybody knows each other too well here to expect privacy at any of the tables. After exchanging greetings with several people, I ask if anyone has heard from Rob in the last twenty-four hours.

People often retreat to the quieter corners when they've brought work to do into the bar. I wonder if he got chains? That's the sound of the men working on the chain … g-a-a-ang. Meanwhile John shows Sam an ad in the paper for an upcoming music store sale, and they discuss prices on guitar stands. Andrea, a petite woman with lightly tanned skin and short brown hair, enters the bar. Mike, happy to see her, comes over and gives her a big hug, then picks her up and, pretending she's a football, starts running across the room with her as she laughs, a bit bewildered.

At the table where I've taken a seat, Mike, John, Sam, and Chris engage in a mock argument over the relative virtues of stringed instruments versus keyboards. Or should I assume he's stuck in Reno and wait in Berkeley to hear what he's doing? It's up to him to call you if he does something weird. In response, Chris pulls a large lever, and a trapdoor opens under John, who falls through the floor. Conversation continues normally, and a few minutes later John returns through a door at the back.

Well, it didn't quite happen like that. It's true that most bars don't have trapdoors conveniently located exactly beneath the patron you wish to chastise. You may have guessed by now that the Falcon's location is not a back street in Berkeley.

The Falcon is a hangout on an online forum called BlueSky. I did visit the Falcon on that November morning and greet people who were already there. By introducing BlueSky, the Falcon, and some of its patrons in this way, I risk implying that I and the other BlueSky participants spend our time online enacting an elaborate pantomime of bar behavior. Perhaps we even appear to take our virtual metaphors too seriously.

True, sitting down at a computer and logging on to BlueSky differs ificantly from walking down the street and into a neighborhood pub. For one thing, Eric would never be able to get work done in such a boisterous place were it not merely a window on his computer screen that he can ignore at will. Although participation on the Internet is increasing, probably more people are familiar with bars than with Internet chat spaces, if not from their own experience, then from media representations of bars, such as the television program Cheers. The bar or pub metaphor also conveys something of the character of the social space on BlueSky, the participants' relationships, and their use of the social space that BlueSky provides Byrne Because the clientele is mostly male, the Falcon provides a space in which people enact and negotiate masculine identities within a particular class and race context Cavan ; LeMasters ; Katovich and Reese ; Smith ; Communication Studies BlueSky is a type of interactive, text-only online forum known as a mud.

Muds are also sometimes referred to as Multi-User Domains or Dimensions. Although I am more sympathetic to those who seek to acknowledge muds' lineage, herein I take a third path, referring to muds in the lower case except where I quote other written materials to deemphasize the acronym and its origin.

As in other online chat programs, people use Internet s to connect to mud programs running on various remote computers. They can then communicate through typed text with other people currently connected to that mud. Hundreds of muds are available on the Internet. Many still operate as gaming spaces. Others are used for meetings, for pedagogical purposes, and as social spaces. Anderson similarly describes the role of textual representation in the creation of a feeling of community among dispersed people in his analysis of newspapers as key to the formation of national identities in the New World.

Other media may similarly connect geographically dispersed people and provide a sense of connection with people never encountered face-to-face. As such, television provides viewers with the experience that they are interacting with others, either through vicarious identification with people and places viewed on it, or through the knowledge that large s of dispersed others are also viewing the same images. By the same logic, online forums can also be viewed as places. The World Wide Web also enhances the possibilities of interconnection with others in that some web s include links to chat spaces.

This statistic allows people to imagine the of others who have shared their viewing experience and even allows them to compare popularity of websites. More interactive forums—such as e-mail lists, newsgroups, and chat rooms—provide an even greater feeling of contact with remote others because they allow people to interact and respond to each other.

Rather than merely viewing a space through the electronic window of television, many people feel that when they connect to an online forum, they in some sense enter a social, if not a physical, space. Researchers have also described bulletin boards systems BBSs as giving people a sense of group membership in a common place Baym ; Correll ; Myers For instance, Correll indicates that participants on the Lesbian Cafe describe it as a space.

BBSs enable participants to post messages and read what others have posted. These messages resemble e-mail more than synchronous conversation. Even if people are logged on to the computer system at the same time, with posts and responses occurring in fairly rapid succession, they have less of a feeling of sharing the same space and time than participants in synchronous forums have. Object descriptions changed depending on the messages people wanted to convey and because of their forgetfulness.

Also, lag time between posts decreases the sense of copresence. Although gaps in conversational rhythm also occur on muds, often because of network slowdowns, they are usually brief. Although, superficially, muds and similar online forums bear a strong resemblance to texts, they may be closer to face-to-face interaction than television is. Rather than merely observe people with whom they cannot interact as on television , participants on muds can engage in conversation with others, requesting more information, questioning representations, and redirecting topics of conversation.

While Meyrowitz may overestimate the engrossment necessary for reading, his description of the dual reality created by television provides a useful perspective on mud participation. Like television, muds enter the participant's physical locale without completely redefining it. Online interactions can at times become intensely engrossing, and some participants report experiencing physical sensations that echo the experiences of the characters who serve as their online representatives, or analogues. In any case, each participant has a physical body that remains involved in experiences separate from the interactions occurring online.

For instance, when mudding for long periods of time, I frequently leave the computer to get food, go to the bathroom, or respond to someone in the physical room in which I'm sitting. If the text appearing on my screen slows to a crawl or the conversation ceases to interest me, I may cast about for something else offline to engage me, picking up the day's mail or flipping through a magazine. Muds are particularly vulnerable to events such as power loss or modem disconnection, which can abruptly destroy the conceptual space of the mud, dropping me back fully into experience of the physical world.

This split in attention between two experiential worlds or places introduces a problem with viewing cyberspace as a separate sovereign world. Nobody inhabits only cyberspace. Online participation requires the form of split attention I have described, as many media experiences do reading, movies, radio, etc. Many use computer windowing systems that allow them to view multiple online spaces, or they split their attention between the computer screen and television, radio, or other offline activities.

BlueSky participants frequently mud while at work and use their ability to multitask to get work done while they socialize online. Indeed, many of my interviewees reported acquiring the ability to multitask specifically through their mud participation. Some commentators have suggested that such attention splits result in understandings of the self as multiple Stone ; Turkle To the extent that people make different presentations of self in different forums, multitasking does provide evidence of the multiplicity of the self.

However, Goffman , suggests that, despite the ability to adapt our presentation of self to accommodate different social situations, people resist viewing the self as performative. To some extent, our performances of identity acquire their meaning precisely from the belief that they are not performances. Although people seek essentialized bases for themselves and the selves they encounter online, the performative nature of identity there seems almost unavoidably obvious. Tales abound of multiple and fluid identities and of online deceptions and revelations McRae ; Reid ; Rheingold ; Stone ; Turkle Online participation enables the creation of multiple personae, facilitating varying presentations of self.

Both Goffman , , and Gergen document numerous pre-Internet examples of this multiplicity of identity performance. But despite the mundaneness of such splits and fractures of identity, people in U. They persist in describing themselves in essential, unchanging terms. For a discussion of a more relational experience of self, see Kondo As the use of online communication media has increased, so too have media and academic s of online life. See also Baym , , Similarly, Turkle includes interview material from mud participants about their offline lives.

However, her analysis focuses mostly on each individual's psychological profile and history, which she connects to the person's potential use of muds for personal growth and development. While she includes some discussion of the relationship of online socializing to changing political and economic realities, she relies mainly on interviews and participants' own descriptions of their experiences. This provides a view of online life that insufficiently distinguishes the very different social contexts of different forums and overemphasizes the degree of personal choice involved in online self presentation.

This stance is popular among both researchers and online participants. Descriptions such as Turkle's characterize social effects as flowing mostly from cyberspace to the offline world, rather than the other way around. The identities people bring to their cyberspace interactions matter less in these stories than the new lessons of self they carry with them from their online interactions. This represents cyberspace as a separate but equivalent social arena, with its own rules and logic. It also suggests that the existence of online forums represents a distinct break from social life and implies that online interactions provide experiences unavailable offline, some of which have powerful effects on people's selves.

I declare the global social space we are building to be naturally independent of the tyrannies you seek to impose on us. Barlow However, his assertion that cyberspace constitutes an organically separate, sovereign realm resonates with many net participants.

His description highlights the absence of bodies in cyberspace an absence that others have questioned; see, for instance, Wakeford A large and growing list of articles suggests that norms of gendered behavior continue to shape online interactions Cherny ; Herring , , a, b; Kramarae and Taylor ; Sutton ; We Herring suggests that women and men use different communication styles online and react differently to flaming. Cherny studied a mud on which, as on BlueSky, many participants have met offline and have participated online together for several years.

Cherny's work stands out from other research on muds in its attention to connections between participants' offline gender identity and their online gendered behavior. Several recent works have proposed that such gender switching can lead to a greater understanding of gender as constructed and of the self as mutable Bruckman , ; Deuel ; Dickel ; Poster ; Turkle ; Burris and Hoplight These s rely predominantly on participants' own assertions regarding the liberatory potential of their online interactions.

Such research reports thus fail to take into potential discrepancies between what people say about the online experience and what they actually do online.

Port Douglas male seeks good bjwill compensate

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Port Douglas male seeks good bjwill compensate